IRAN
- ARYAN CONNECTIONS WITH WESTERN TIBET
Evidence
of Early Connections between the Early Aryans and Western Tibetans
Dakhma and Sky Burials
A unique connection shared only by Iranian-Aryan Zoroastrians and
a group of western Tibetans is the method of disposing of the dead,
namely the exposure of the dead bodies to birds.
In
addition to the method of exposure, other similarities include the
wrapping of the body in a clean white shroud and placing the body
on rock. When the Zoroastrians migrated to areas that did not have
rocky hills, they constructed towers made from rock and do not permit
the body to contact soil.
There
are also significant differences in the practice: Zoroastrians place
the body in a tower called a dakhma (however, we have read reports
that in flat areas, early Zoroastrians did leave bodies in fields
ostensibly on a stone platform - away from view - to be devoured
by birds) while Tibetans place the body on a designated place on
a hillside. In the dakhma, Zoroastrians simply lay the body on a
stone surface but do not dismember the body as is the practice in
Tibet. Further, Zoroastrians collect the bones in a central ossuary
pit where they disintegrate, while the Tibetans do not follow this
practice.
Perhaps
what is significant when comparing this sharing of a 'burial' custom
between the two cultures - one which is not shared with other cultures
- is the practical considerations for adopting this form of 'burial'
which probably preceded the religious justification and the possible
environmental implications.
These
practical considerations may give us clues about the environment
and topography of the area in which the Western Tibetans and Iranian-Aryans
lived.
Savnob
Village, Gorno Badakhshan, Pamirs, Tajikistan. Image credit: Hoeck
at Flickr
For the people who lived in mountainous regions near the tree line
or in small valleys surrounded by rocky mountains, below ground
'burial' options may have been very limited. Arable land would have
been scare and digging a deep pit for a burial in the fallow rocky
surroundings bordering a village and its meagre fields, would have
been very difficult. Wood for cremation would not have been available
in sufficient quantities or acquiring such wood would have meant
cutting down precious trees and denuding the environment. Improperly
disposing a dead body might also have created a health hazard. Residents
of such harsh surroundings may have had no sanitary option for disposing
of dead bodies other than exposure to birds and beasts. Cave burials,
another possible option would have had limited application.
Questions
& Possible Answers to the Original Home of the Aryans :
For the preceding observations, the sharing of the 'burial' customs
between the Iranian Aryans and Western Tibetans raises some questions
:
1.
When Iranian Aryans first adopted this custom, were they living
in a environment similar to the Western Tibetans?
2. Did the two peoples, the Iranian Aryans and the Western Tibetans
live in close proximity?
The
unique similarities in this practice may give us clues about the
nature, topography and location of the original Aryan homeland.
Among the possibilities are :
1.
The Western Tibetans and original Aryans lived in mountainous rocky
regions.
2. They were neighbours.
3. The Western Tibetans lived in the Western Himalayas and Tibetan
plateau while the original Aryans lived immediately west in an area
that included the Western Pamirs.
Legend
Regarding the First Aryan King & Mountains :
Ferdowsi's Shahnameh, complemented by the Farvardin Yasht 13.87,
recounts that Aryan prehistory started with Gaya Maretan, founder
of the Aryan nation. The Shahnameh states that he was the first
Aryan King and that during his reign, people lived in the mountains
and wore animal skins and leaves. They gathered fruits and other
plant foods. Animals were first domesticated, and the herding of
cattle began.
Tagzig,
Zhang-Zhung, Western Tibet - Land & Culture
Tajikistan
In Tibet there is a minority religion (100,000 adherents?) called
Bon that long preceded the coming of Buddhism. Present-day Bon practice
allies it with Buddhism. However, the original practice may have
been quite different.
According
to Bon tradition, the founder of the orthodox Bon doctrine was Tonpa
Shenrab Miwoche of Tagzig some 18,000 years ago. Tagzig is believed
to be a form of Tajik and some writers identify the region with
Balkh/Bactria. The name Shenrab has an Iranian sound to it.
The
Bon religion was spread by Shenrab's disciples and their student-translators
to adjacent countries such as Zhang-Zhung (also Zhangzhung, Shang
Shung or Xang Xung - a land north of the Himalayas, which contained
Mount Kailash in today's Western Tibet), India (northern Indus valley
cf. Bru-zha / Gilgit), Kashmir (Kha-che), Western China and eventually
Greater Tibet. Tonpa Shenrab is reputed to have visited present-day
Tibet once. On that visit he found the people unprepared to
receive the entire body of his teachings, but he prophesied that
his teachings would flourish in Tibet in the coming ages. The students
of his disciples continued his mission and Tibetan Bon scriptures
were translated from texts in the language of Zhang-Zhung.
The
Bon tradition provides a close link between the Aryan and Tibetan
cultures. In addition to the place of its origin, the Bon tradition
includes additional links to Zoroastrian Aryan culture including
what Western writers have labelled as 'dualism' and the myths about
the original homeland and its Shangri-La like beauty.
Tagzig
is more completely called Tagzig Olmo Lung Ring and is described
in Bon as a non-dual (one which resides beyond dualism) spiritual
realm. The feature of this non-dual realm is that it was a timeless
perfect realm where peace and joy were the very fabric of being
and evil was not known. Ol-mo-lung-ring is thought by some to be
derived from the name of the city of Olmaliq now in Uzbekistan but
originally in Tajikistan.
In
legend, Tagzig Olmo Lung Ring is said to have been a fragrant land,
coloured by beautiful flora and surrounded by snow-capped mountains.
It was located west of Mount Kailash.
In
the centre of Tagzig Olmo Lung Ring was Yungdrung Gutsek, a pyramidal-shaped
mountain whose four sides faced the cardinal directions. From its
four corners flowed rivers, one of which we can recognize: the river
Sindhu (Indus) that flowed south.
It
will be of interest to those studying the weather change in Airyana
Vaeja, that pollen and tree ring analysis indicates the Chang Tang
plateau in Western and Northern Tibet had a far more liveable environment
than it has today - one that supported a primordial civilization
- until, starting around 1500 BCE, the climate become colder and
drier. The climate change would have caused the population to migrate
out of the northern plateau. This type of climate change from temperate
to cold, and the resulting changes in the environment from comfortable
and verdant to harsh and rocky, is similar to the Zoroastrian stories
of a climate change during the reign of legendary King Jamshid.
For
a further discussion on the possible connections between Zhang Zhung,
Tagzig and the original homeland of the Aryans, Airyana Vaeja, please
see our page on the Aryan Homeland, and the sections Mount Meru
/ Sumeru and Airyana Vaeja as Paradise. Shambhala / Shangri-La
Bon
Heaven Stones & Luristan Bronzes :
Luristan
Bronzes at the Louvre, Paris. Julianna Lee's Gallery
Giuseppe Tucci and Geoffrey Samuel state in their book The Religions
of Tibet that according to Bon Tibetan tradition if anyone finds
'heaven stones', thog rde'u, bronze artefacts, in their fields,
especially nine together are assured prosperity. Some of the 'stones'
are eagle shaped (khyung), while others are round or in shapes representing
monkeys. Tucci and Samuel further state that the objects bear a
striking resemblance to those found in the western Iran province
of Luristan / Loristan indicating a connection if not a trading
relationship between the Iranian and Tibetan cultures along the
Aryan Trade routes. Luristan straddles the Zagros Mountains. The
bronze objects are dated from the first to the second millennium
BCE and are thought to have been made by the area's Kassite inhabitants
(see Luristan Bronzes by Donald Wilber).
Bon
& Buddhism in Central Asia :
Buddhism established itself as a major religion and political force
in Central Asia long before it was established as the primary religion
of Tibet. There is evidence of its presence in the Central Asian
region during the 4th century BCE - that is, during the occupation
of the region by Alexander and his successors. Buddhism was later
adopted by the Central Asian Kushan kings in the first to fourth
centuries CE and it likely existed side-by-side with Zoroastrianism
in that region. It could be that some of the existing Bon adherents
in the region adopted Buddhism and that this phenomenon spread into
the Western Tibetan plateau.
Given
that the Zoroastrian and Bon religions may have existed side-by-side
in Central Asia, the Pamirs and the northern Himalayan region, it
is quite possible that even during the time of the Iranian Sassanian
dynasty c. 224 - 649 CE, the relations between the Zoroastrian Iranians
and the Tibetan Buddhists was collaborative. There is evidence that
we will examine below, that this collaboration survived even after
the overthrow of the Sassanians by the Arabs.
The
land of Zhang Zhung on its part continued its dominance of the Tibetan
plateau until it was annexed by Songtsen Gampo in the 7th century.
Songtsen Gampo was the thirty-third king of the Yarlung Dynasty
which ruled the Yarlung River (the Brahmaputra in India) and is
revered by Tibetans as the founder of the Tibetan state and empire.
He is also said to have introduced Buddhism to Tibet.
Iranian-Aryan
Relations with the Yarlung Dynasty (c. 7th - 9th Centuries CE) :
The Tibetan empire established by Songtsen Gampo soon grew in power
that extended beyond its borders, so much so, that in the year 763,
the Tibetans, allied with the Uighur Turks, invaded the Chinese
Tang Empire, captured the Chinese capital Chang-an, and replaced
the Tang emperor with a candidate of their own choosing (1).
The
Yarlung dynasty appears to have continued the collaborative relationship
the Zhang Zhung had with the Iranian Aryans (2). The relationship
continued even after the Arabs had conquered the Persian empire.
Since it is the Tibetans who had become the dominant eastern power
in the seventh century CE, it is they who provided the Persians
and Sogdians sanctury.
As
they fled east, the Persians first took refuge in Sugd (Sogdiana)
and their presence there has been recorded on Sogdian inscriptions
in Panjakand and Paykand. Then as the Persians and Sogdians continued
east into China, their presence during the ninth century was recorded
on a Chang’an funerary stele belonging to Mahshi Suren.
Author
A. Nikitin (3) has proposed that the rise of Tibetan power was because
of the assistance of Persian refugees fleeing from the Arab invasion
of Persia in the 650s CE. According to Nikitin, when the Persians
arrived in the Tibetan court, they trained the Tibetans in the art
of imperial warfare. According to another author Beckwith, a Chinese
source describes the Yarlung Tibetan warriors and horses as being
completely clad in armour in the Sassanian fashion. An important
military technological advance and advantage for the Tibetans was
their newly acquired ability to produce chain mail for armour.
After
the Arab take over of the Sassanian Iranian state, the Yarlung Tibetans
fought against the Arabs together with his Turkic allies in order
to expel them from Sugd (Sogdiana)(4).
The
Yarlung captured Khotan – an Iranian-Tajik kingdom allied
with Kashmir and Sugd (Sogdiana) (5). The Tibetan conquest of Khotan
was followed by the immigration of many Khotanese Buddhist monks,
craftsmen and merchants into Tibet (6).
Iranian-Aryan
Trade Relations with the Yarlung Dynasty :
The Yarlung Dynasty continued the tradition of participating in
the historic Aryan trade especially with the Sogdians (7). The trade
consisted of the import into Tibet of luxury goods that included
silks and metalwork. The exports included Tibet's famous perfumed
musk must prized in the courts of the western Iranian and Arabs.
This trade continued well into the 10th century when the noted Geographer
Mas’udi from that era noted that some merchants he had met
in Eastern Persia arrived there "from Sogdiana through... the
mountains of Tibet and China"(8). Furthermore, the Tibetans
were aware of the religions professed by the Sogdians (9).
There
is some debate as to whether it was the Chinese or the Sogdians
who introduced silk to the Tibetans. Given the Sogdian presence
in Tibet and the motif designs on the silk, it is likely that it
was the Sogdian traders and settlers who brought the silk with them.
Tibetan
and Chinese motifs have been found in Sogdian art within Sugd (Sogdiana),
and likewise, Sogdian and Iranian / Persian motifs have been found
in art and designs found in Tibet and China.
Sogdian
artefacts dating to the eight and ninth centuries CE have been found
in a cemetery in Dulan, not far from Reshui in China's Qinghai Province.
The site was then part of the Tibetan empire's Amdo region. One
of the artefacts in a silk fragment that has Pahlavi (Middle Persian)
language words. Some coins with Pahlavi insciptions have also been
found in Tibet. Several textiles and metal objects embellished with
Sogdian motifs have also been found in the cemetery at Dulan.(10).
References
:
1. |
M.
Compareti, "Iranian Elements in Kashmir and Tibet. Sasanian
and Sogdian Borrowings in Kashmiri and Tibetan Art" |
|
|
2. |
Fang-kuei
Li, "Notes on Tibetan Sog", Central Asiatic Journal,
III, 2, 1957-58: 139-142
H. H. R. Hoffmann, "The Tibetan Names of the Saka and
the Sogdians", Asiatische Studien, XXV, 1971: p. 440-455
G. Uray, "The Old Tibetan Sources of the History of Central
Asia up to 751 A.D.: a Survey", in: Prolegomena to the
Sources on the History of Pre-Islamic Central Asia, ed. J.
Harmatta, Budapest, 1979: p. 282-283
É. De La Vaissière, Histoire des merchands sogdiens,
Paris, 2002 (reprint 2005) p.152-3 |
|
|
3. |
A.
Nikitin, G. Roth, "A New Seventh-Century Countermark
with a Sogdian Inscription", The Numismatic Chronicle,
155, 1995: 277-279. |
|
|
4. |
C.
I. Beckwith, The Tibetan Empire in Central Asia: a History
of the Struggle for Great Power among Tibetans, Turks, Arabs,
and Chinese During the Early Middle Ages, Princeton, 1987:
p. 108-110. |
|
|
5. |
H.
W. Bailey, The Culture of the Sakas in Ancient Iranian Khotan,
New York, 1982: p. 4, 9, 57.
H. Kumamoyo, "The Khotanese in Dunhuang", in: Cina
e Iran. Da Alessandro Magno alla dinastia Tang, ed. A. Cadonna,
L. Lanciotti, Firenze, 1996: 79-101: p. 84-86.
Mu Shun-ying, Wang Yao, "The Western Regions (Hsi-Yü)
Under the T’ang Empire and the Kingdom of Tibet",
in: History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Volume III:
The Crossroad of Civilizations: A.D. 250 to 750, ed. B. A.
Litvinsky, Paris, 1996: p. 349-365. |
|
|
6. |
H.
H. R. Hoffmann, "The Tibetan Names of the Saka and the
Sogdians", Asiatische Studien, XXV, 1971: p. 451-453
G. Gropp, Archäologische Funde aus Khotan, Chinesisch-Ostturkestan:
die Trinkler-Sammlung im Übersee-Museum Bremen, Bremen,
1974: p. 36-37. |
|
|
7. |
C.
I. Beckwith, "Tibet and Early Medieval Florissance in
Eurasia. A Preliminary Note on the Economic History of the
Tibetan Empire", Central Asiatic Journal, vol. XXI, 2,
1965: 89-104: p. 100-103.
É. De La Vaissière, Histoire des merchands sogdiens,
Paris, 2002 (reprint 2005): 303. |
|
|
8. |
A.
M. H. Shboul, Al-Mas?udi and His World. A Muslim Humanist
and His Interests in non-Muslims, London, 1979: p. 162, n.
80 |
|
|
9. |
G.
Uray, "The Old Tibetan Sources of the History of Central
Asia up to 751 A.D.: a Survey", in: Prolegomena to the
Sources on the History of Pre-Islamic Central Asia, ed. J.
Harmatta, Budapest, 1979: p. 275-304. |
|
|
10. |
A.
Heller, "Some Preliminary Remarks on the Excavations
at Dulan", Orientations, 29, 9, 1998.a: p. 84-92.
A. Heller, Arte tibetana. Sviluppo della spiritualità
e dell’arte in Tibet dal 600 al 2000 d.C., Milano, 1999.
A. Heller, "Archaeological Artefacts from the Tibetan
Empire in Central Asia", Orientations, vol. 34, 4, 2003.a:
p. 55-64.
A. Heller, "Recent Findings on Textiles from the Tibetan
Empire", in: Central Asian Textiles and Their Contexts
in the Early Middle Ages, Riggisberger Berichte, 9, 2006:
175-188. |
Source
:
http://zoroastrianheritage.blogspot.com
/2011/07/iranian-aryan-connections-
with-western.html